Sunday, August 28, 2016

Liberty and Power

Harry L. Watson. Liberty and Power: The Politics of Jacksonian America. (Updated edition)
Hill and Wang, 1990 and 2006.

This updated edition of Watson's influential synthesis history of the politics of Jacksonian era traces the roots of the Second Party System to social anxieties generated by the rise of the Market Revolution, within the context of the republican tradition bequeathed to the Early Republic by the Revolution. Republicanism, as understood by early Americans, posited a fundamental--even existential--conflict between "liberty" and "power" in which the latter was an implacable foe of the former.

As the afterword to this updated edition acknowledges, this simple formulation contains some premises which subsequently merited reconsideration. There has been much debate on the degree to which republicanism was a genuinely felt and coherent ideology in the early Republic. The concept of the Market Revolution has been challenged both by those who believe that America was already a fundamentally capitalist society from the colonial period forward, and those who argue that there was no "revolution" but rather a gradual, continuous evolution which either predated, postdated, or overlapped the generally accepted periodization.

These are not insignificant questions, but Watson concludes that while research subsequent to the 1990 publication of his work has often raised important and thought-provoking challenges to his guiding assumptions, the essentials of his argument are still valid. Therefore, his argument needs to be accepted within that framework.

The end of the War of 1812 removed two existential threats to American sovereignty--the British presence in the West; and their support for the Indian nations who lived there. This freedom allowed Americans to turn their attention towards the settlement and development of the trans-Allegheny west, but it also removed the pressures which had subtly reinforced the tendency to distrust and fear partisan divisions within society. The specter of "corruption" and "interest" which orthodox republicanism accepted as fatal to republican societies would begin to flourish seemingly everywhere in the rush to move west and participate in an increasingly diverse national economy where local economic production was increasingly directed towards distant markets.

The ongoing collapse of traditional community ties of reciprocity and mutual regard created a mood of anxiety and fear which manifested itself in different ways depending on circumstance, time, and place. In this regard, Watson considers such phenomena as Anti-Masonry, labor agitation, and the Second Great Awakening as being related to the same stresses and challenges which the Second Party System ultimately evolved to manage.

Because in the end, Watson argues that we should listen to Americans of the Jacksonian era when they tell us what they were trying to accomplish. We should be skeptical of arguments which discount the policies and beliefs over which Democrats and Whigs fought over as being unworthy of the effort and energy expended merely because the interests in question weren't always clearly defined; or that there were deeper processes at work which they were not fully aware of underlying the dynamic of their political system. Rather, Watson argues that while often the rhetoric and practices of the Second Party System don't always sync up with direct linkages to immediately obvious social pressures, a deeper analysis finds a consistent pattern in which not only did party politics address the ways in which these underlying anxieties were articulated, but also the political leadership were self-consciously seeking to ally the stresses of society not by denying or suppressing them, but by channeling them into engagement with a national, two-party system.

The glaring exception, of course, was slavery--one issue which was starkly geographical and for which the two-party system could not ultimately defuse. But despite that moral failing--and despite the fact that the Second Party System itself would not survive the ultimate national reckoning with that sin--the basic parameters of politics which was established in the Jacksonian age would survive, and continue to shape the American political system.

Saturday, August 20, 2016

William Cooper's Town

Alan Taylor. William Cooper's Town: Power and Persuasion on the Frontier of the Early American Republic. Vintage Books, 1995.

Before it became the home of the Baseball Hall of Fame, before it became known as the place where Abner Doubleday almost certainly did not invent baseball itself, Cooperstown, NY was known as the place James Fenimore Cooper immortalized in some of his novels; most notably in his early work The Pioneers. Best known now for introducing the seminal American character of Natty Bumppo, the novel was originally something of a wish-fulfillment reclamation of a lost patrimony by the son of the town's founder and namesake--William Cooper.

William Cooper was a man who worked his way up from a humble beginning as a wheelwright in late colonial society towards being a landlord of means in the new Republic. He did so through measures which were often bold, occasionally reckless, and all too often at odds with the wishes and best interests of his patrons--members of the old elite whom Cooper wanted to impress and eventually count himself among. Cooper proved quite adept--and very lucky--at taking advantage of the disruptions to established social and economic norms in the wake of the upheaval of the Revolution. Soon, he found himself in possession of thousands of acres of upstate New York land, and the status as landlord and patron to a new community.

Cooper never attained the gentility to go with his wealth that he desired, but neither did he embrace the politics of Republicanism that his humble origins and his own life story might have naturally inclined him towards. Rather, Cooper became a staunch Federalist and never wavered from this affiliation, even in the wake of the decline of Federalism in the years after Jefferson's election as President, as Republicans took power at all levels of state government in New York.

His downfall would come not only from the decline of Federalism but from ongoing economic and demographic changes which both challenged his control of his original holdings in the Cooperstown area, and overwhelmed his ability to maintain payments on his ever-growing debts. Cooper, dazzled by his own early success, sought to replicate it elsewhere in New York, to no avail. He over-extended himself, and tangled his estate even further into a web of debts, dubious property claims, and conflicting obligations.

He never resolved those issues, but rather passed them on in a will that was more generous and lucrative towards his heirs on paper than it was in reality. The Cooper children soon discovered that their inheritance was mortgaged to the hilt, and over the next decade and a half (roughly) creditors took it all away. Neither Cooper nor most of his offspring lived to see the final decimation of his once-impressive holdings, but his youngest son James did.

James Cooper (he added the "Fenimore" in his 30's not long before embarking on his wildly successful writing career--the only profession he ever succeeded at) sought to recast the history of his father and his hometown in ways which both restored the family fortune but also restored the ideal of social harmony and deference to betters which both he and his father believed in, despite the relentless tide of democratic leveling the country was going through. Read that way, The Pioneers is an idealized history of the early American republic which pointed the way towards a peaceful, stable, harmonious future which only existed in the dreams of Federalists like William Cooper and in the bestselling books written by his son.